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The
Settlement of Polynesia, Part 1
by Dennis
Kawaharada
Photo Below: Canoe
Petroglyph, Huahine, Tahiti

Exploration and
Discovery
In the 19th century,
Hawaiian scholars Kamakau and Kepelino attributed the discovery of
Hawai'i to a fisherman named Hawai'iloa. He is said to have
discovered the islands during a long fishing trip from a homeland in
the west called Ka 'Aina kai melemelea Kane ("Land of the yellow sea
of Kane"); the Big Island was named after him while Kaua'i, O'ahu,
and Maui were named after his children. Hawai'iloa's navigator,
Makali'i, steered in the direction of Iao, the Eastern Star, and
hoku'ula, the red star (perhaps the rising Aldebaran in the
constellation of Taurus). After replenishing his supplies,
Hawai'iloa returned home and brought his wife and his children back
to Hawai'i, again using the fixed stars as guides. The Hawaiian
people are all descended from him.
Some scholars have
questioned the authenticity of the tradition of Hawai'iloa because
of similarities between Biblical stories and stories in the
tradition of Kumuhonua, of which the story of Hawai'iloa is a part.
These scholars believe that parts of the tradition of Kumuhonua were
invented in the 19th century to conform to Biblical traditions.
However, Randie Kamuela Fong of Kamehameha Schools writes, "after
careful review of Fornander's version of the Kumuhonua tradition,
the Hawai'iloa portion bears no resemblance to any biblical account.
The names, places, and basic settings and plots give us no reason to
question their age and authenticity. Further, Patience Bacon of the
Bishop Museum remembers kupuna (elders) being interviewed in the
1920's and 30's by Tutu Puku'i. These kupuna spoke of Hawai'iloa as
their 'reality.'"
A tradition published
in Teuira Henry's Ancient Tahiti attributes the discovery of Hawai'i
to a voyaging hero named Tafa'i (Hawaiian Kaha'i), son of Hema and
an underworld goddess named Hina-tahutahu (Hina, the magician).
Tafa'i "cut the sinews" of the islands of Tahiti (i.e., fixed them
in their places), fished up the islands of the Tuamotu Archipelago
and then "went exploring the trackless ocean northward." He found a
chain of islands beneath the sea and fished it up, naming the first
island "Aihi" ("Bit-in-fishing," now called "Hawai'i"). "Next he
drew up Maui and all the other islands of our archipelago.Éthen
those intrepid navigators went south and returned with people to
dwell on the beautiful new land, bringing with them their gods,
their chiefs, and breadfruit and other plants." Later, Tafa'i tried
to pull the Hawaiian islands south, closer to the Tahitian islands,
but failed when the kapu forbidding the crew to speak or look back
from the canoe was broken.
The connection between
discovery and fishing is part of pan-Polynesian tradition of islands
being fished out of the sea. A fisherman named Huku is said to have
found Rakahanga island while on an aku fishing voyage from Rarotonga;
later the three Maui brothers came to the same area and began
fishing.. Maui-mua caught a shark; Maui-roto an ulua; and Maui-muri
the island of Manihiki (Tairi "The Origin of the Island Manihiki").
Maui is also said to have fished up, among other islands, Tonga,
Mangaia in the Cook Islands, and Aotearoa (New Zealand) (Buck 53).
This traditional
association between fishing and the discovery islands suggests that
fishermen, of whatever identities, were perhaps the most frequent
discoverers of islands in ancient times, either while they roamed
the ocean looking for new fishing grounds or chasing schools of
pelagic fish, or after they were driven off course by storms on
their way to known fishing grounds. A poetic way of describing their
discoveries would be to say that the fishermen caught islands, not
fish. Perhaps the name of Maui was given to anyone who discovered an
island, in honor of some ancestral fisherman-explorer noted for
finding islands.
Another intriguing
possibility is proposed in Geoffrey Irwin's The Prehistoric
Exploration and Colonization of the Pacific. Irwin suggests that
those who settled Polynesia may have used a deliberate strategy of
exploration that allowed them to find islands without an inordinate
risk to their lives and with a high rate of survival. (Other
scholars have assumed that the exploration of the Pacific was full
of danger and involved high casualties at sea.) This deliberate
strategy of exploration, according to Irwin, involved waiting for a
reversal in wind direction and sailing in the direction that is
normally upwind (i.e. eastward in the Pacific) for as far as it was
safe to go given the supplies that were carried on the canoe. The
return home (westward) would be made easy when the wind shifted back
to its normal easterly direction. Irwin believes that this strategy
is supported by the west to east settlement of the Pacific, from the
islands of southeast Asia and Melanesia to Samoa, Tonga, the Cook
Islands, the Society Islands, the Tuamotus, and Hiva (the Marquesas).
Although no factual evidence would prove that this strategy of
exploration was actually employed by Polynesian navigators, the
strategy would have been obvious to anyone familiar with sailing.
The tradition of 'imi fenua (Hawaiian: 'imi honua), or "searching
for lands," reported from Hiva and other Polynesian islands,
supports such a notion of deliberate exploration. Teuira Henry gives
exploration and discovery as the motivation for the voyages of
Ru and Hina,
a brother and sister who circumnavigated the earth in their canoe
Te-apori to locate islands: "After exploring the earth, Hina's love
of discovery did not cease. So one evening when the full moon was
shining invitingly, being large and half visible at the horizon, she
set off in her canoe to make it a visit." She decided to stay there
and remains today as the figure seen in the moon.
Whatever the motives
and methods of exploration and discovery, once the location of an
island was known, it became open to settlement.
The Polynesian
Settlement of the Pacific
The Polynesian
migration to Hawai'i was part of one of the most remarkable
achievements of humanity: the discovery and settlement of the
remote, widely scattered islands of the central Pacific. The
migration began before the birth of Christ. While Europeans were
sailing close to the coastlines of continents before developing
navigational instruments that would allow them to venture onto the
open ocean, voyagers from Fiji, Tonga, and Samoa began to settle
islands in an ocean area of over 10 million square miles. The
settlement took a thousand years to complete and involved finding
and fixing in mind the position of islands, sometimes less than a
mile in diameter on which the highest landmark was a coconut tree.
By the time European explorers entered the Pacific Ocean in the 16th
century almost all the habitable islands had been settled for
hundreds of years.
The voyaging was all
the more remarkable in that it was done in canoes built with tools
of stone, bone, and coral. The canoes were navigated without
instruments by expert seafarers who depended on their observations
of the ocean and sky and traditional knowledge of the patterns of
nature for clues to the direction and location of islands. The canoe
hulls were dug out from tree trunks with adzes or made from planks
sewn together with a cordage of coconut fiber twisted into strands
and braided for strength. Cracks and seams were sealed with coconut
fibers and sap from breadfruit or other trees. An outrigger was
attached to a single hull for greater stability on the ocean; two
hulls were lashed together with crossbeams and a deck added between
the hulls to create double canoes capable of voyaging long
distances.
The canoes were
paddled when there was no wind and sailed when there was; the sails
were woven from coconut or pandanus leaves. These vessels were
seaworthy enough to make voyages of over 2,000 miles along the
longest sea roads of Polynesia, such as the one between Hawai'i and
Tahiti. And though these double-hulled canoes had less carrying
capacity than the broad-beamed ships of the European explorers, the
Polynesian canoes were faster: one of Captain Cook's crew estimated
a Tongan canoe could sail "three miles to our two."
After a visit to the
Society Islands in 1774, Andia y Varela described the canoes he saw:
"It would give the most skilful [European] builder a shock to see
craft having no more breadth of beam than three [arm] spans carrying
a spread of sail so large as to befit one of ours with a beam of
eight or ten spans, and which, though without means of lowering or
furling the sail, make sport of the winds and waves during a gale,
their safety depending wholly on two light poles a couple of varas
or so long (about eight feet), which, being placed athwartships, the
one forward and the other aft, are fitted to another spar of soft
wood placed fore and aft wise in the manner of an outriggerÉ These
canoes are as fine forward as the edge of a knife, so that they
travel faster than the swiftest of our vessels; and they are
marvellous, not only in this respect, but for their smartness in
shifting from one tack to the other." (Corney, Vol. II, 282).
The voyaging was by no
means easy. There was always a danger of swamping or capsizing in
heavy seas, of having sails ripped apart or masts and booms broken
by fierce winds, of smashing the hulls against unseen rocks or
reefs; and while there were grass or leaf shelters on the decks of
voyaging canoes, the voyagers were often exposed to the wind, rain,
and sun, with only capes of leaves or bark-cloth wrappings for
protection. A stormy night at sea, even in the tropics, can be
brutally chilling. If supplies ran short during a long voyage, and
no fish or rainwater replenished them, then starvation became a
possibility. As a tradition about a voyage from Hiva (the Marquesas)
to Rarotonga puts it: "The voyage was so long; food and water ran
out. One hundred of the paddlers died; forty men remained."
A long voyage was not
just a physical, but a mental challenge as well, particularly for a
navigator without compass or chart. To navigate miles of open ocean
required an extensive and intimate knowledge of the ocean and sky.
Captain Cook noted that Polynesian navigators used the rising and
setting points of celestial bodies for directions. Andia y Varela
was told how Tahitians also used the winds and swells to hold a
course: "There are many sailing-masters among the people, the term
for whom is in their language fa'atere (Hawaiian: ho'okele). The
fa'atere are competent to make long voyages like that from Otahiti
to Oriayatea [Ra'iatea] (about 150 miles) and others farther afield.
One of these sailing masters named Puhoro came to Lima on this
occasion in the frigate; and from him and others I was able to find
out the method by which they navigate on the high seas.
"They have no
mariner's compass, but divide the horizon into sixteen parts, taking
for the cardinal points those at which the sun rises and sets.
"When setting out from
port the helmsman partitions the horizon, counting from E, or the
point where the sun rises; he knows the direction in which his
destination bears. He observes, also, whether he has the wind aft,
or on one or the other beam, or on the quarter, or is close-hauled.
He notes, further, whether there is a following sea, a head sea, a
beam sea, or if the sea is on the bow or the quarter. He proceeds
out of port with a knowledge of these [conditions], heads his vessel
according to his calculation, and aided by the signs the sea and
wind afford him, does his best to keep steadily on his course.
"The task becomes more
difficult if the day is cloudy, because the sailing-master has no
mark to count from for dividing the horizon. Should the night be
cloudy as well, the sailing-master regulates his course by the wind
and swells; and, since the wind is apt to vary in direction more
than the swell does, he has his pennant, made of feathers and
palmetto bark, by which to watch changes in the wind, and he trims
his sails accordingly, always taking his cue for holding his course
from the indications the sea affords. When the night is clear, he
steers by the stars; and this is the easiest navigation for him
because he knows the stars which rise and set over not only the
islands he is familiar with, but also the harbours in the islands,
so that he makes straight for the entrance by following the rhumb of
the particular star that rises or sets over it. These sailing
masters hit their destinations with as much precision as the most
expert navigators of civilized nations could achieve" (Corney, Vol.
II, 284-6) .
To keep track of their
position at sea during long sea voyages, the navigators used a
system of dead reckoningÑmemorizing the distance and direction
traveled until the destination was reached. Finding islands before
they could actually be seen was also part of the art of navigation.
Voyagers followed the flight of land-dwelling birds that fished at
sea as these birds flew from the direction of islands in the morning
or returned in the evenings. The navigators also watched for changes
in swell patterns, cloud piled up over land, reflections on clouds
from lagoons, and drifting land vegetation.
When European
explorers found the islands of Polynesia, the common ancestry of the
Polynesians was evidentÑthe inhabitants of widely separated islands
looked alike, spoke alike, and had similar cultural practices. Their
manufactured products such as fishhooks, trolling lures, adzes, and
ornaments also revealed similarities. And they had the same basic
stock of domesticated plants and animals.
The peoples of
Polynesia came from a common ancestral group that developed a
distinctive fishing and farming culture in the islands of Tonga and
Samoa.
While dates constantly
change with new archaeological discoveries, the general sequence for
the settlement of Polynesia has been relatively well established
(Dates represent earliest archaeological finds; they almost
certainly do not represent the earliest presence of human beings.):
--Hunters and
gatherers inhabited Australia and New Guinea by 50,000 years ago.
--Around 1600-1200
B.C., a cultural complex called Lapita (identified by a distinctive
pottery and named after a site in New Caledonia) spread from New
Guinea in Melanesia as far east as Fiji, Samoa, and Tonga.
Polynesian culture developed at the eastern edge of this region
(i.e., in Samoa and Tonga).
--Around 300 B.C. or
earlier, seafarers from Samoa and Tonga discovered and settled
islands to the eastÑthe Cook Islands, Tahiti-nui, Tuamotus, and Hiva
(Marquesas Islands).
--Around 300 A.D. or
earlier, voyagers from central or eastern Polynesia, possibly from
Hiva, discovered and settled Easter Island.
--Around 400 A.D. or
earlier, voyagers from the the Cook Islands, Tahiti-nui, and /or
Hiva settled Hawai'i.
--Around 1000 A.D. or
earlier, voyagers from the Society and/or the Cook Islands settled
Aotearoa (New Zealand).
The ethnobotanical
evidence reflects this progression of settlement from the Western
Pacific islands, through central Polynesia (the Cook Islands,
Society Islands, and Hiva), and then to Hawai'i. Of the 72 plants
identified as having been transported to Polynesia by people, 41-45
are found in the Cook Islands, the Society Islands, and Hiva; 29 are
found in Hawai'i, including taro, breadfruit, sugar cane, bamboo, ti,
yam, banana, 'awa, paper mulberry, kukui, coconut, gourd, sweet
potato, and mountain apple. The settlers also brought the pig, dog,
chicken, and rat along with them. The transport of plants and
domesticated animals on voyaging canoes suggests that the early
settlers planned to colonize Hawai'i, after having discovered its
location.
The Settlement of
Hawai'i
Hawai'i, which
contains the largest islands in Polynesia outside of Aotearoa, must
have appeared particularly rich in land and resources to its
discoverers. The tradition of Hawai'iloa records the event as
follows: "[The voyagers] went ashore and found the land fertile and
pleasant, filled with 'awa, coconut trees, and so on, and
Hawai'iloa, the chief, gave that land his name. Here they dwelt a
long time and when their canoe was filled with vegetable food and
fish, they returned to their native country with the intention of
returning to Hawai'i-nei, which they preferred to their own
country." (Fornander, Vol. 6, 278; other traditions suggest that 'awa
and coconut were brought by those who settle Hawai'i.)
Scholars believe that
early settlers of Hawai'i came predominantly from Hiva (Marquesas).
The argument for a Hivan homeland is based in part on linguistic and
biological evidence: "Indeed, the close relationship between the
Hawaiian and Marquesan languages as well as between the physical
populations constitutes strong and mutually corroborative evidence
that the early Hawaiians came from the Marquesas" (Kirch 64).
The Marquesan language
has been grouped under the category Proto Central Eastern
Polynesian, along with Hawaiian, Tahitian, Tuamotuan, Rarotongan,
and Maori. Vocabulary comparisons seem to indicate that the dialect
of the Southern Marquesan Islands (Hiva Oa, Tahuata, Fatu Hiva), is
the closest relative of Hawaiian language (Green 1966):
Hawaiian / Marq-So.
/ Marq-No. / Gloss
inoa / inoa / ikoa /
name
mano / mano / mako /
shark
moena / moena /
moeka / mat
one / one / oke /
hunger
(From "Lexical
Diffusion in Polynesia and the Marquesan-Hawaiian Relationship,"
Samuel H. Elbert, Journal of the Polynesian Society, 91 (4) December
1982, 505.)
About 56% of basic
words in the two languages are the same or similar. For example:
Hawaiian / Marquesan
/ Gloss
mahina / mahina
/moon, month
po / po / darkness
pu / pu / conch
kino / tino / body
kahuna / tuhuna /
expert
imu / umu / oven
i'a / ika / fish
lawai'a / awaika /
fisherman
wa'a / vaka / canoe
hoe / hoe / paddle
("Glossary of
Marquesan Native Terms," E.S. Craighill Handy, The Native Culture in
the Marquesas, Honolulu: Bishop Museum, 1923)
Hawaiian and Marquesan
also share words that are not found in other Polynesians languages:
Hawaiian / Marquesan
/ Gloss
'elele / ke'e'e /
messenger
makali / mata'i /
tie bait to hook (Haw.); string to tie bait to a hook (Marq.)
pa'akai / pa'atai /
salt
(For a longer list of
words, see Elbert's "Lexical Diffusion in Polynesia and the
Marquesan-Hawaiian Relationship," 510-511.)
The two languages also
share unique phonological changes from Proto Central Eastern
Polynesian (the hypothetical original language). Elbert concludes
that the linguistic evidence supports the hypothesis that the
Hawaiian language derives from Marquesan (511).
Another argument to
support the proposition that the primary migration to Hawai'i came
from Hiva is that the islands of Hiva are the best departure point
for sailing to Hawai'i from the South Pacific. They are closer to
Hawai'i and farther east than the Society Islands, the Tuamotus, or
the Cook Islands. A canoe heading north in the easterly tradewinds
is better off starting from a point as far east of Hawai'i as
possible. In computer simulation of voyages from the Marquesas to
Hawai'i, over 80 percent of the canoes that headed in the right
direction (NNW to NW by N) reached Hawai'i (Irwin 164-166).
Archaeological
evidence also connects early settlers of Hawai'i with HivaÑadzes,
fishhooks, and pendants found at an early settlement site at Ka Lae
on the Big Island of Hawai'i are similar to those found in Hiva. Of
course, the archaeology of the Pacific is still in its infancy. As
comparative work progresses in the Pacific, similarities are
emerging among artifacts of all the Polynesian islands, suggesting
that perhaps widespread contact and trading were more frequent than
previously thought.
It is probably too
simplistic to attribute the settlement of any island group to a
single migration from another single island group. The voyages of
the Polynesian Voyaging Society's Hokule'a and computer-simulated
voyages have shown that Polynesians could have sailed in traditional
canoes all the north-south and east-west routes among their islands.
Kenneth Emory has noted that some words in the Hawaiian language
(such as the names of some days in the lunar month) are shared
uniquely with the Tahitian language (Kirch 66), suggesting settlers
to Hawai'i came from Tahiti as well as the Marquesas. More
archaeological evidence is needed from Hawai'i, Hiva and other
islands of Polynesia before any definitive statements can be made
about the relationship among the island groups during the period of
the early settlement of Hawai'i.
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